Two years after an Israeli strike killed Hezbollah leader Hassan Nasrallah in Beirut, the Iran-backed movement navigates a fractured domestic political landscape, direct Iranian decision-making, and ongoing military pressure. While supporters gathered at his shrine on Sunday, critics point to a leadership crisis under successor Naim Qassem.
Commemoration and Security Tighten Around Nasrallah Shrine
On Sunday, loyalists flocked to the vicinity of Hassan Nasrallah’s final resting place in the southern suburbs of the Lebanese capital to observe the second anniversary of the long-serving chief’s assassination by Israel. Many attendees carried the group’s signature yellow flags, displaying loyalty following two wars that have diminished Hezbollah’s military capabilities and left parts of its stronghold in ruins.
Nasrallah was killed on 27 September 2024 in an Israeli strike on Haret Hreik in Dahiyeh, an attack that targeted central headquarters beneath residential buildings and brought down several apartment blocks. His body was recovered from the rubble two days later.
Two years later, the strike site remains devastated. The structure that once served as Nasrallah’s refuge has not been restored, adjacent housing units still show clear signs of destruction, and thoroughfares throughout Dahiyeh remain decorated with portrait posters of him alongside former Iranian supreme leader Ali Khamenei, who perished in American-Israeli bombardments targeting Tehran in February of last year.
Assessing Naim Qassem and the Shift in Hezbollah’s Leadership
The assassination of Nasrallah—who led Hezbollah for more than three decades from 1992 until 2024—and the subsequent killing of Hashem Safieddine, who was seen as his successor, left a severe institutional vacuum. Political writer Dr. Qassem Qassir, who is closely familiar with Hezbollah’s position, acknowledges that the group faced heavy internal and external obstacles after losing its centralized leadership.
While Qassir notes that current Secretary-General Naim Qassem successfully reorganized the group’s ranks and maintained internal cohesion under difficult circumstances, opponents argue that Qassem has failed to fill the leadership void. Jad Al-Akhawi, head of the Lebanese Democrats Coalition and a Shiite opponent of Hezbollah, contends that Qassem comes from a more organizational and ideological background than a popular one, lacking Nasrallah’s distinct charisma and direct interaction with supporters.
Beyond personal style, critics point to a structural shift in how decisions are made. According to political writer and researcher Ibrahim Raihan, the Islamic Revolutionary Guard Corps has assumed more direct control over the group’s political and military choices, while internal initiative has narrowed.
State Authority, Disarmament, and Reconstruction Challenges
Domestically, Hezbollah operates in a altered political environment. The election of Joseph Aoun as president and the formation of Nawaf Salam’s government—which secured 90 votes of confidence out of 128—reflect a shift in state dynamics. Raihan argues that Hezbollah’s agreement to the government’s ministerial statement represents an practical acceptance of state policies regarding the monopoly of weapons. In contrast, academic and political researcher Tarek Abboud emphasizes that the group’s substantial popular backing—citing significant preferential votes—prevents political actors from ignoring its presence in Lebanon’s future.
A framework signed by Lebanon and Israel in Washington on 26 June sets out a phased process requiring the Lebanese army to extend state authority, non-state armed groups to disarm, and Israeli forces to withdraw. Hezbollah opposes this disarmament, keeping the question of its arsenal at the center of national debate.
Meanwhile, physical reconstruction lags far behind destruction.
